Building Power to Shape Labor Policy: Unions, Employer Associations, and Reform in Neoliberal Chile By PabloPérez Ahumada, University of Pittsburgh Press, May 2023, 224 pp., ISBN: 9780822947691 (hardback), Price USD 55.00
本书通过智利案例，研究工人和雇主如何动员“联合力量”影响劳动政策改革，揭示资本方在塑造政策中的优势，并扩展了权力不对称的理论理解。
In the book Building Power to Shape Labor Policy, Pérez Ahumada explores a timely and important question: Why are pro-business labour legislation and labour reform during the shift to neoliberalism so difficult to achieve? Drawing on extensive fieldwork and archival research in Santiago and interviews with respondents from different ‘classes’ (business representatives, union leaders and party leaders), Pérez Ahumada argues for the central role of ‘associational power’. Chile is an illustrative case, as it is a highly globalized and neoliberal country that has successfully shifted to democracy (pp. 10–15). Yet, collective bargaining power and union membership are not guaranteed, even with the linkages to left-wing governments. On the failure of labour policy reform, scholars in the fields of industrial and employment relations have offered explanations from historical legacies, government policy orientation (in relation to economic development), as well as asymmetrical political and economic power between employers and employees (pp. 16–20). Acknowledging these perspectives, Pérez Ahumada extends the concept of power imbalance between workers and employers; specifically, the strategies and outcomes when both workers and employers build and mobilize ‘associational power’ to influence the government's labour policies. Associational power, in Pérez Ahumada's definition, is ‘how workers and employers mobilize members and organize (at the political system) to advance their class interests’ (p. 8). It includes membership recruitment and participation, strategic capacity to advance class interests, class solidarity, and strategic consensus, infrastructural resources and organizational efficiency (pp. 34–37). Associational power, as Pérez Ahumada argues, needs to be understood from a ‘relational’ perspective as it interacts with other forms of power, such as structural, political and social power (pp. 40–41). The relational character of power (pp. 8, 33) is a useful tool to understand the interaction and different capacities between workers and capitalists. It also shows that the power of workers and capitalists is mutually influenced. While workers and capitalists can both facilitate their associational power in shaping labour policies, their influence is nevertheless unequal. Pérez Ahumada contrasted the experiences of Central Unitaria de Trabajadores (CUT) and the Confederation of Production and Commence (CPC) and showed that capitalists are more capable of mobilizing association power in establishing stronger class solidarity and influencing the government (pp. 85–93, chapter 5), whereas workers found themselves struggling in mobilizing such a power to incorporate their class interests in the legislative process (chapter 3, pp. 108–119). The contribution of this book is twofold: On one hand, it offers us a more nuanced understanding of the dynamics between class politics, class power and labour policy reform outcomes by focusing on the processes through which workers and employers mobilize associational power to influence the policymaking process. On the other hand, it deepens the concept of power in industrial relations and points out that power asymmetry is not only reflected in economic differentials, but also involves and interacts with other power dimensions, which are later illustrated through a comparative analysis of Argentina and Uruguay (chapter 6). Pérez Amuhada's fruitful exploration of the core elements of power provides us with much to think about. Here, I would like to provide four points for further reflection. First, it is useful to consider associational power in the context of the long-standing debate on structure versus agency. Although power may be subject to mobilizing capacity, organizational structure and infrastructural resources, it may still be institutionally embedded or constrained and subject to historical legacy (see chapter 4) and the other party's opposing capacity (a ‘relational’ perspective highlighted in this book). In this regard, how to break down institutional barriers to offer labour unions a better ‘position’ in mobilizing associational power may be a principal policy issue. Second, when introducing societal power as an important source of associational power, Pérez Ahumada highlighted coalitional power and discursive power (p. 39). Coalitional power and discursive resources are important for consolidating the class identities and interests of both workers and capitalists (pp. 8, 40). The concept of discursive power reminds us of the importance of framing. Connecting framing to the idea that the relational nature of power is expressed in different ways (p. 10), it would be interesting to explore the rhetoric and language that both workers and capitalists use to strengthen their respective class identities and undermine the legitimacy of the opposing party. Third, although the book touched on social power and related socio-cultural constraints, there may be social ‘cues’ that directly or indirectly enlarge or limit the functioning of associational power. The importance of socio-cultural factors is known to be intertwined with labour policy legacy, particularly in non-liberal societies. This suggests future research agenda to further compare associational power and its relational aspects in different welfare regimes — neoliberal, transitional and post-neoliberal societies. Finally, the different outcomes of exerting associational power for workers and capitalists in Chile prompted us to think about the associational nature of class ideology. Pérez Ahumada analysed the weak democratic decision-making structure of CUT (pp. 106–108) and CPC's consensus-oriented process (pp. 129–131). Can we, therefore, reach the conclusion that internal friction/fragmentation is an inherent characteristic of labour unions, compared to businesses, which often have more consistent interests. Following this logic, is it more difficult to reach class cohesion and solidarity (as in CUT's case, pp. 115–117) for labour unions? The logic may lead us to a pessimistic conclusion that labour unions find it hard to achieve associational power (vis-à-vis the employers’ organization), yet Pérez Ahumada's analysis provides a positive account that pushes us to rethink how to utilize and mobilize associational power in relation to the capitalists’ organization. To conclude, this book is not only suitable for those who are interested in understanding class consciousness, class politics, class-based mobilization and labour movement, but it also provides insight into the outcome of labour policy reform, unlike other perspectives which only focus on institutional design and differentials of power resources. The implications go beyond the Chilean context and are relevant to the wider post-industrial society where worker−employer−government relations are undergoing qualitative changes.