Social Infrastructure and Left‐Behind Places by JohnTomaney, MaeveBlackman, LucyNatarajan, DimitriosPanayotopoulos‐Tsiros, FlorenceSutcliffe‐Braithwaite, and MyfanwyTaylor. Taylor & Francis, 2024, 108 pages. $48.99 (paperback). ISBN 978‐1032710051.
本书通过英国萨克里斯顿村的案例研究，探讨社会基础设施在振兴落后地区中的作用，分析其创建、衰败与重建过程，为政策制定者、学者和学生提供政策启示。
Currently, we live in a world where achieving equitable economic growth and prosperity across all regions presents significant challenges, with the result that some areas are marginalized and excluded from the full extent of possible development. These areas are often called left-behind places. Stakeholders including local and international governments as well as scientists engage in discussions, such as at conferences or through the publication of scientific articles, to explore ways to assist these marginalized areas, enabling them to benefit from economic growth and prosperity. One proposed solution is the development of social infrastructure. The book entitled Social Infrastructure and Left-Behind Places by John Tomaney and co-authors helps us to understand the significance of social infrastructure in revitalising marginalized regions that have not gained from economic advancement and social well-being. The authors enhance our understanding of the significance of social infrastructure through an intensive study conducted in Sacriston, a former mining village in County Durham, Northeast England. This book provides deep insight into the challenges faced by these marginalized areas as it describes how Sacriston developed its social infrastructure, the factors contributing to its decline, and the process through which it was rebuilt. Through these three stages, we can gain a deeper understanding of the significant policy implications for advancing social infrastructure in similarly disadvantaged regions. Hence, the book serves a key purposes: to help students, academics, researchers, and policymakers understand the policy implications of the creation, dismantling, and reconstruction of social infrastructure. Furthermore, this book offers a unique, authentic perspective for students, academics, researchers, and policymakers who have not had the opportunity to observe the practical implementation of social infrastructure policy directly. Through an in-depth case study in Sacriston, the authors provide a detailed exploration of these dynamics, as discussed in the following sections. The book consists of eight chapters. The first chapter introduces the motivation behind the authors’ decision to write the book, focusing on the role of social infrastructure in left-behind places. Initially, the authors emphasize that left-behind areas have historically exhibited persistently low social and economic indicators. Consequently, the authors argue that the most effective policy response is the development of social infrastructure, which may take the form of physical spaces or organizations. The second chapter examines how social infrastructure shapes the personal experiences of residents in left-behind places. First, the authors highlight that left-behind places are of political interest because they can be mobilized for electoral purposes, making them targets for political intervention. However, current political interventions have focused on improving economic metrics such as Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and have neglected the social aspects of these communities. As a result, these political interventions have failed and the disparities between left-behind places and more prosperous regions persist, making residents of left-behind places likely to relocate to areas with better opportunities. Ultimately, the consequences of this migration are likely to have negative impacts on both the places of origin (the left-behind places) and the destination areas (Antia et al., 2020; Becker & Ferrara, 2019; Ivlevs et al., 2019). For left-behind places, out-migration can lead to social crises and hamper local economic growth (de Brauw, 2019; Portes, 2010). While places of origin face depopulation, destination areas experience additional economic burdens and increased pressure on social resources (Becker & Ferrara, 2019; Inoue et al., 2021). Therefore, the authors emphasize the need to shift the perspective when designing political interventions for left-behind places, focusing not only on improving economic metrics but also on recognizing the residents as a community. The development of social infrastructure—such as churches, schools, playgrounds, parks, and organizations—enables communities to create “third places” (Oldenburg, 1989) where individuals can engage with local life, build relationships, and collaborate to address community challenges. Thus, social infrastructure can addresses the affective dimensions of being left behind, thereby introducing broader social implications. The third chapter explains the methodology used in this book to analyze the policy consequences of social infrastructure in left-behind places. For example, the book describes a case study conducted in Sacriston that integrated observation, archival research, cartography, historical data, and interviews to gain a deeper and more contextualized understanding of the policy consequences of social infrastructure in these areas. The process of identifying left-behind places essentially relies on static indicators that represent a particular moment in time. The Community Needs Index identifies the areas in England that face the greatest challenges in terms of social, economic, and community infrastructure needs and assesses the extent to which communities experience social exclusion and limited social interaction (Local Trust, 2019). However, this static picture often falls short of capturing the reasons why places are disadvantaged and in what ways (Local Trust, 2019). To complement such quantitative approaches, the research presented in this book uses a mixed-methods framework to illustrate historical and geographical perspectives on the creation, dismantling, and rebuilding of social infrastructure. The extended case method enables in-depth analysis and explores the motivations for different scales of action taken by private, government, and community actors over time. The fourth chapter explores how political and economic factors can influence the creation, deterioration, and reconstruction of social infrastructure. At first, the authors provide a history of Sacriston, which initially gained prominence and attracted residents due to its coal deposits. However, economic decline following World War I caused a significant population decrease as residents left in search of better opportunities. This economic downturn prompted the creation of social infrastructure, exemplified by the formation of Durham Miner's Association, which advocated for improved workplace conditions. Following the Second World War, the Durham Miners' Association reached the height of its political influence, attracting national and international political leaders to attend their annual Durham Miners' Gala. However, these gains came while social and economic control was slipping away from the village, as the coal industry was also nationalised during this period. This shift in the political landscape led to the deterioration of social infrastructure. Furthermore, a shift in energy policies, along with the development plan introduced by the Durham County Council, contributed to the onset of the miners' strike. The council's 1951 plan designated numerous coal-dependent villages for reduced investment, while the growing prominence of oil and nuclear energy further diminished coal's role in the energy sector. These developments resulted in widespread colliery closures, ultimately intensifying the conditions that led to the strike. The fifth chapter discusses the process of building social infrastructure that was briefly introduced in the fourth chapter. At first, Sacriston village existed without basic infrastructure and the mining community played an active role in constructing facilities such as churches, chapels, schools, and clubs for male workers. This creation of social infrastructure was driven by the villagers’ efforts with funding from local resources such as household donations and support from the local mining company. The construction of social infrastructure was heavily influenced by gender and religious aspects and was marked by struggles against economic hardships and social conflicts. Traditions of mutualism and solidarity are strong. Groups such as the Co-operative, the Durham Aged Mineworkers' Home Association, and women activists play an important role in local politics and social welfare. Sacriston developed into a community with a strong identity shaped by workers' solidarity and the drive to improve social life through the development of social infrastructure. This chapter emphasizes that the creation of social infrastructure in Sacriston was the result of a long and continuous collective effort across generations to meet human needs and to produce symbols of village identity. The sixth chapter discusses the deterioration of social infrastructure in Sacriston from the late 20th century to the early 21st century. The chapter explains how the social infrastructure built through community efforts in the late 19th and early 20th centuries began to gradually deteriorate, especially after the closure of the mine in 1985 and austerity policies that accelerated this decline. After World War II, nationalization policies and improved living standards contributed to changes in the ways communities interacted. The closure of the coal mine marked a turning point in the reduction of infrastructure in Sacriston and the austerity policy accelerated the dismantling of social infrastructure. In Sacriston's case, the closures dealt severe blows to the local community, with cascading effect on other activities. The village experienced an economic downturn that directly impacted the local community, resulting in the loss of jobs, social facilities and community cohesion. Austerity policies exacerbated this situation, with the closure of community hubs such as Sure Start Centres and local schools. Nonetheless, this chapter also notes that the acceleration of this decline triggered some community members to begin rebuilding lost social infrastructure, a process that is further described in the next chapter. The seventh chapter explores the resurgence of social infrastructure in Sacriston after the long period of decline. In recent years, renewed efforts to rebuild the village's previously vibrant infrastructure have emerged, led by a small group of highly committed and proactive local individuals. They have successfully identified unmet needs and overcome challenges through the use of external resources. Key initiatives include transforming the Fulforth Centre, which replaced the Memorial Hall, to serve as a vibrant hub for social activities, and repurposing the long-vacant Co-op building into a community space that houses social enterprises such as the Woodshed Workshop and the Sacriston Youth Project. This redevelopment has been driven by a strong sense of attachment to the village and its history, as well as an effort to confront new challenges. However, the process hasn't been without difficulties. It has often been hindered by slow bureaucracy and a lack of long-term support. Nevertheless, this new infrastructure offers hope for the future of the village, despite persistent challenges related to funding and sustainability. These efforts reflect a sense of radical hope in creating something new from the village's legacy while addressing the failures of the market and the state to meet social needs. The eighth chapter presents the conclusion, policy implications, and importance of social infrastructure in left-behind places like Sacriston. This chapter concludes that social infrastructure plays a crucial role in left-behind communities, as demonstrated in the in-depth study conducted in Sacriston, UK. The construction, destruction, and reconstruction of social infrastructure contribute significantly to community identity and well-being. The loss of social infrastructure triggers root shock, undermining collective bonds and causing crises in communities that are reliant on a single industry. Social infrastructure not only encompasses physical buildings but also reflects the social relationships that are formed and sustained within them. The authors identify several policy implications regarding social infrastructure implementation. First, social infrastructure facilitates the development of a sense of community and place attachment, which are recognized as having positive local impacts such as enhancing community well-being. Second, as demonstrated by the case of Sacriston, the gradual and long-term development of social infrastructure contributes to building inter-generational commitments. Third, social infrastructure developed through a bottom-up approach enables communities to articulate their local values and specific needs effectively. Lastly, social infrastructure can support local governments, especially those weakened by austerity measures, by decentralizing power and empowering local communities. Moreover, this chapter underscores the need for a more holistic policy approach to support local initiatives in rebuilding social infrastructure, and advocates for a more decentralized governance structure to ensure long-term sustainability. The strength of this book lies in its in-depth analysis that emphasizes authenticity and getting as close to a phenomenon as possible. This book offers a novel perspective that goes beyond statistical analyses, exploring various issues such as the impacts of economic, social, and political changes on the social infrastructure implementation. It offers valuable insights for understanding that the development of social infrastructure is a gradual process, while also providing a comprehensive resource for students, academics, researchers, and policymakers seeking a holistic understanding of infrastructure development in the context of community economic growth. This book provides hope for left-behind places to receive more attention so that they can be transformed again to open up new pathways and greater social cohesion. This study implies that social infrastructure cannot be built solely through central regulations or short-term funding; instead, it requires a long-term process that begins at the grassroots level and is rooted in local values. The findings call for policy changes that prioritize local empowerment, sustainable funding, and support for community-based initiatives over top-down solutions. The book criticizes the UK government's approach to competitive funding and centralized decision-making, emphasizing the need for more collaborative and locally-driven strategies. Effective regeneration must be built on intergenerational commitment, local leadership, and a deeper appreciation of community attachment and identity. However, the weaknesses of the book lie in its limited generalizability. This study was conducted in Sacriston, UK, and the findings may not fully apply to other communities that differ culturally, economically, or geographically. This single case study is limited in representing different types of left-behind communities. Additionally, the book places too much emphasis on the physical aspects of social infrastructure, and the digital aspects are not explored in depth, despite their growing relevance in today's world. The book mentions the importance of social infrastructure for community well-being but doesn't offer clear methods to measure such social impacts. Without clear metrics, it is difficult to evaluate program effectiveness or allocate resources appropriately. Nonetheless, the book serves as an useful resource for students, researchers, and policymakers to understand the consequences of social infrastructure in left-behind places. Therefore, we highly recommend this book to academics, researchers, policymakers, and students of public administration, political science, and economics. The book Social Infrastructure and Left-Behind Places is an interesting and relevant work focused on understanding the complex challenges faced by left-behind regions, which are often overlooked in the global development discourse. The book presents an in-depth study of the dynamics of social infrastructure in areas such as Sacriston, which is one concrete example of a place left behind due to economic, social, and political changes. The book explores the root causes of this region's decline, including the loss of critical infrastructure that once sustained local communities. The book provides valuable insights into designing more inclusive development policies through mapping local needs, strengthening basic infrastructure, building community participation, and narrowing the gap between regions. This book is useful as a guide to formulating development strategies that focus not only on big cities and economic centers, but also empower regions that have been marginalized. The book also serves as a catalyst for more equitable and sustainable change initiatives by unearthing the hidden potential that exists in underdeveloped regions. A deeper understanding of how social infrastructure can be destroyed and rebuilt provides an opportunity for a new, more humanistic approach to regional development. In a context of globalization that often neglects small communities, this work emphasizes the importance of paying attention to every layer of society so that development can be felt equally. The authors would like to express their gratitude to Lembaga Pengelola Dana Pendidikan (LPDP) for supporting the publication of this review. The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper. Ihsan Manshur Putra is a Master's student at Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia (email: [email protected]). Rahayu Lestari is a Master's student at Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia (email: [email protected]). Fauziah Istiqomah Abdunnafi is a Master's student at Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia (email: [email protected]).